General Fabian Escalante: U.S. government withholds JFK records that undoubtedly prove a plot

Now available on You Tube retired Major General Fabian Escalante, former head and current historian of Cuba’s State Security Department,i gives a sneak preview of his upcoming book Beyond Any Reasonable Doubt. The Assassination of John F. Kennedy and the Aggression Against Cuba.

Escalante holds the U.S. government responsible for preventing the release of records that would confirm the JFK assassination as the result of a plot at national level by the military-industrial-congressional complex, the Pentagon, the FBI, the CIA, the Mafia, and Cuban exiles.

Does he present any new information here?, asked Jeff Morley in JFKFacts when it was announced. No, he does´t. He simply re-arranged the same data he had provided in JFK: The Cuba Files (Ocean Press, 2006) in order to enhance his insights into the alleged plot.

Fabian Escalante
Fabian Escalante, retired Cuban intelligence officer

Old wine in new wineskin
Escalante´s approach to Lee Harvey Oswald bears resemblance to Melanson´s in “Leftist Lee at Work: The Great Debate and the Paper Chase” (The Third Decade, Volume 2, Issue 5, July 1982). However, Escalante rejected Antonio Veciana´s testimony about his casual encounter with Oswald and Maurice Bishop [David A. Phillips] in Dallas on September 1963.
Escalante asserts that Veciana was part of the plot, which included the recruitment of his brother-in-law Guillermo Ruiz, head of the Commercial Office at the Cuban Embassy in Mexico City, for defecting and revealing that Cuban officials had given Oswald specific instructions to kill Kennedy.
In another main approach, Escalante tracks the testimony given to him by the anti-Castro fighter Tony Cuesta just before being released in 1978, as token of gratitude —according to Escalante— for having saved his life thanks to the medical care in Cuban prison. Cuesta told Escalante that the Cuban exiles Herminio Diaz and Eladio del Valle were involved as shooters in the JFK assassination.

 

Escalante compares Kennedy´s approach to Obama´s nowadays, in the sense of applying soft power to achieve the same goal of destroying the Cuban Revolution.

A three-legged table
In support of his thesis, Escalante argues that the lone gunman hypothesis is absolutely discredited and a plot is the best explanation for the well-established facts. He emphasizes that the plot was hatched not in revenge for what Kennedy had done, but rather to prevent him from being re-elected in 1964, because his policies were turning away from the establishment’s. Regarding Cuba, Escalante compares Kennedy´s approach to Obama´s nowadays, in the sense of applying soft power to achieve the same goal of destroying the Cuban Revolution.
Escalante also restated that the killing was executed by the triangle CIA-Mafia-Cuban exile, since only such a trio had common motifs, means, and opportunity. Finally, the plot was some kind of killing two birds with one stone. Blaming Castro for being the mastermind of the JFK assassination conveyed a plausible excuse to trigger a military invasion against Cuba.

And yet it limps!
However, Escalante falls below the reasonable quantum of proof in regard of some issues like the three tramps, the so-called Pedro Charles´s letters, and three missing anti-Castro fighters from the CIA-funded Cuban Student Directorate (DRE).
He still insists that Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis were two of the three transients under police escort photographed near Dealey Plaza shortly after the assassination, but the late Mary La Fontaine debunked this myth in 1992 after finding in the arrest records at the Dallas Police Department that the three tramps were actually Gus Abrams, Harold Doyle, and John Gedney.
Escalante failed to elucidate beyond any reasonable doubt whether it is hoax or evidence that five letters postmarked in Havana after the JFK murder suggested there was a contract killing undertaken by Oswald under the direction of a Castro agent named Pedro Charles.

On the air Escalante made the point that the same typewriter was used in both letters to Oswald and letters denouncing the plot, but it does not allow to go beyond J. E. Hoover´s conclusion of “some type of hoax, possibly on the part of some anti-Castro group.”

Likewise, a cloud of doubt descends on Escalante´s claim that DRE militants Carlos Roca, Julio Garcia, and Sergio Perez, reportedly killed while fighting in Cuba, were actually “silenced” because they knew about the plot. For Escalante, DRE was not only paid by the CIA to spread the very first conspiracy theory, linking Oswald to Castro, but also a key factor in the killing itself, even with DRE leader Manuel Salvat present in Dallas on the day of the assassination.

Escalante conclusively demonstrated that the mentioned three DRE militants did not fall in combat as part of an anti-Castro guerrilla commanded by some Tartabull [in front of the TV cameras, Escalante misspoke it as Tondike], but inferring a connection to the JFK killing from a false report by DRE is a classic non sequitur.

What still remains
Escalante put forward that all the U.S. Presidents from LBJ to Obama share the responsibility for withholding JFK records. He said that the declassification has been postponed to 2029 (?!), but what makes his return to the subject worthwhile is the firm stand that, beyond any reasonable doubt, the still-secret JFK files are a prima facie evidence of a conspiracy at government level.

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